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Former NDP Leader Mulclair Says Trudeau Should Retire

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When all hell broke loose in the House last week, those with experience as parliamentarians couldn’t believe our eyes. Speaker Greg Fergus tossed out the Leader of His Majesty’s Loyal Opposition, Pierre Poilievre, on the flimsiest pretenses.

Fergus is highly partisan. We all knew that when Trudeau backed him in the election to replace Anthony Rota), who’d been forced to step down after introducing a former Nazi soldier in Parliament.

When Fergus got caught making a partisan video for an Ontario Liberal colleague, many calls were made for him to resign. He had egregiously breached the most basic rules requiring neutrality in the chair. He’d even made the video in his Parliamentary quarters, wearing his robes of office.

I pleaded that his error was serious, but it was a rookie mistake, and he deserved a second chance. Watching his dreadful performance with Poilievre last week, I regretted defending him.

After Poilievre’s ejection, Trudeau and the company were gloves off. During a campaign, they put on a full-court press worthy of a war room. Other pundits I spoke with were dutifully spun by whatever Liberal had contact with them. They thought they had finally caught a break in their Holy War against the evil Poilievre.

The usual Liberal supporters were out there spinning that Poilievre had done it on purpose to get thrown out. That was nonsense as it was unpredictable that someone who’d “simply withdrawn” the word “wacko” — as requested by the Speaker — would nonetheless be turfed.

Trudeau had called Poilievre “spineless” with impunity

It was unprecedented to throw out the Leader of the Opposition without a clear final warning and unambiguous instructions, especially after Trudeau had called Poilievre “spineless” with impunity.

If anything, getting Poilievre turfed seemed to have been concerted and planned, not by Poilievre, but by the Liberals in cahoots with their Speaker.

My vantage point into that desperate, full-bore Liberal effort to spin this against Poilievre came from an early morning call from a senior Liberal minister. In my line of work, as an observer and analyst of the political scene, knowing and being able to speak with ministers is part and parcel of doing your job well. Being able to call us, in return, is no doubt also part of theirs.

My interlocutor quickly understood that, with my years of experience, no one would convince me that Fergus was right. I was elected for three mandates to the rough-and-tumble National Assembly in Quebec City, where I served as Deputy House Leader, both in opposition and power. I also served as Official Opposition House Leader in Ottawa before assuming the same role Thilievre has today: Leader of the Official Opposition.

I mention all that to reinforce that I know the ropes and the important institutional roles involved. My senior Liberal changed tack when it was clear I thought Fergus had to go. They went all-in, making a negative and personal attack against Poilievre. It was brutal and came off as orchestrated, if not contrived.

It was not just an attack on Poilievre. It was a plea for me to acknowledge just how awful he was. He represents a clear and present danger for our institutions. It had an air of fin de régime, the end of Trudeau’s political era, and it wasn’t going out on a high note.

Trudeau is still lagging 20 points behind.

It may mark the beginning of the end, but Trudeau isn’t about to leave simply because Canadian voters have decided to give him his pink slip. He has options, and he knows it. Sure, hardly a day goes by without an article detailing the plans of one cabinet minister to replace Trudeau or an outside potential successor giving an eloquent speech to the Liberal faithful.

Polls are being published to show which possible new leaders have the most public favor. This is happening against a backdrop of Trudeau still lagging 20 points behind, with nothing to show for his mammoth pre-budget tour or from the budget itself.

However, Trudeau still holds many good cards in his hand. He brought the Liberal Party back to life after the Ignatieff debacle. They owe him everything. He’s not about to be given the boot. He’ll be the only one to decide when and if he’ll leave. He’s won three elections in a row, but he should have noted that Canadians cast more votes for the Conservatives in the 2019 and 2021 campaigns. The writing was already on the wall. He couldn’t, or wouldn’t, decode it.

I know several senior Liberals, both high-level volunteers and MPs with access to Trudeau, who has been encouraging him to consider this is his ‘legacy mandate,’ to be graceful and leave his place to someone else so that the party still has the time to give a new leader a chance in the next election. All say that Trudeau refuses to admit that he may be the problem, much less listen to their heartfelt advice.

Of course, it’s not in Trudeau’s nature to admit he and his hapless administration of Canada could be to blame. Now that the proof is in front of him daily in the polls, how long can he deny the obvious?

The writing may be on the wall, but it’s important to remember that Trudeau could still decide tomorrow to walk across the lawn from Rideau Cottage, where he lives, to Rideau Hall and ask Gov.-Gen. Mary Simon to call an election, and she’d have no choice but to do so.

Those senior Liberal organizers know it as well. The longer Trudeau dithers, the less likely there will be a push by frustrated potential successors to drink from a poisoned chalice. With no time to fully present themselves to Canadians, much less organize properly for an election, they’d be cannon fodder for Poilievre’s Conservatives.

The Liberals I speak with still clutch at the hope that a lot of Singh’s NDP vote will drift over to them when progressives sense the impending doom of a Poilievre Conservative victory. The fact that a considerable cohort of NDP MPs has either quit or announced their intention not to run indicates that there may be far fewer votes to purloin than there may have been before the NDP-Liberal deal and before Poilievre’s ascendancy.

In the meantime, if last week’s shenanigans are any indication, Canadians can expect a brutal, personal knock-down, drag-out fight between the leaders of the two parties that have governed Canada since Confederation. It’s going to get ugly.

By Tom Mulcair, Leader of the federal New Democratic Party of Canada between 2012 and 2017

 

Geoff Brown is a seasoned staff writer at VORNews, a reputable online publication. With his sharp writing skills he consistently delivers high-quality, engaging content that resonates with readers. Geoff's' articles are well-researched, informative, and written in a clear, concise style that keeps audiences hooked. His ability to craft compelling narratives while seamlessly incorporating relevant keywords has made him a valuable asset to the VORNews team.

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Trudeau Accused of “Phony Feminism” After Freeland’s Departure

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Trudeau Accused of "Phony Feminism"
Freeland's resignation letter didn't mention gender, but Trudeau accused of phoney feminism anyway

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is facing a backlash for claiming to be a feminist after firing Chrystia Freeland as Finance Minister and replacing her with Dominic Leblanc on Tuesday.

Justin Trudeau has positioned himself as a feminist leader, a central element of his political identity. In 2015, Canada made history by appointing its first gender-equal cabinet, a significant step in the ongoing effort to champion women’s rights policies.

Trudeau aimed to solidify his reputation as a pioneer in the fight for gender equality. Recent accusations of “phoney feminism” have sparked a heated debate regarding the consistency between his statements and his actions.

Chrystia Freeland’s resignation from the cabinet has sparked criticism directed at Prime Minister Trudeau, raising questions about his approach to women in leadership roles.

Chrystia Freeland, previously regarded as one of Prime Minister Trudeau’s closest allies, has officially resigned from her position as Finance Minister. In her resignation letter, she notably omitted any reference to gender issues.

Freeland’s departure mirrors Trudeau’s removal of several high-profile women;

  • Jody Wilson-Raybould, former Attorney General, was removed in 2019 after the SNC-Lavalin controversy.
  • Jane Philpott, then President of the Treasury Board, was also ousted following her support for Wilson-Raybould.
  • Celina Caesar-Chavannes, a Liberal MP, left politics after claiming Trudeau didn’t handle internal disagreements well.

These firings have fuelled debates about his handling of women in leadership positions and made a mockery of his claims of being a feminist.

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre criticized Trudeau for the optics of replacing Freeland with a male cabinet member, calling it evidence of Trudeau’s “fake feminism.”

“Just blame Chrystia Freeland and make her wear it all. Some feminist,” Poilievre said at a news conference on Tuesday.

The same week as Trudeau was insulting Americans for not electing a woman president, he was busy throwing his own woman deputy prime minister under the bus to replace her with a man, Poilievre commented.

Prominent Conservative MP Michelle Rempel Garner asked how any woman in that caucus could “defend that man instead of calling for an election now,” while Alberta Premier Danielle Smith said Trudeau needed to start proving himself if he was going to keep declaring himself “to be such a supporter of women.”

MP Melissa Lantsman referred to an “old boys’ club” being in charge.

“It’s time for credible leadership in the seriousness of this moment, not the fake feminism of this phoney prime minister,” said Lantsman, who represents the Conservatives in the Thornhill riding.

Former Liberal MP Celina Caesar-Chavannes said she believes there is a pattern of female cabinet ministers who were “thrown under the bus” after “challenging someone whose name is Trudeau.”

Trudeau Defended

However, while Freeland’s resignation has sparked accusations of sexism, political experts suggest that focusing solely on gender may oversimplify the issue.

Freeland, an accomplished politician and the country’s first female Finance Minister left primarily due to policy disagreements. Her decision was less about being a powerful woman and more about divergent views on leadership and economic strategy.

Political scientist Dr. Melanee Thomas remarked that qualified women in politics often face frustrations when their expertise is dismissed.

She cautioned against reducing complex political dynamics to gender alone. By framing Freeland’s resignation solely as evidence of sexism, the broader challenges faced by all leaders in Trudeau’s cabinets—men and women alike—are overlooked.

Trudeau has remained relatively quiet, stating that Freeland’s departure was not an “easy day” for him.

Unlike previous controversies, he has not publicly defended his feminist credentials since Freeland’s resignation, leaving a vacuum for critics to dominate the narrative.

Over the years, Trudeau has said that “adding women changes politics,” presenting himself as an ally for feminist causes. His silence now begs the question: does he believe his track record speaks for itself, or is he struggling to respond to the growing skepticism?

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Liberal MPs Call on Trudeau to Resign

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Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is actually planning resignation
Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau may actually planning to resign.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is facing extreme political pressure, with Liberal MPs publicly urging him to step down for the sake of the Liberal Party of Canada.

Yesterday, Trudeau faced a triple setback: the resignations of Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland and Housing Minister Sean Fraser and a crushing byelection loss in British Columbia.

Trudeau is facing an uphill battle to maintain his grip on leadership as dissatisfaction among Liberal MPs is mounting. The recent events have added fuel to the fire.

Freeland, formerly one of Trudeau’s most prominent cabinet members, resigned in protest after allegedly being informed she’d be shuffled out of her role as finance minister. Many MPs believe this was poorly handled and symbolic of deeper issues within Trudeau’s leadership.

Adding insult to injury, the Liberals lost a B.C. byelection by 50 percentage points to the Conservatives—a seat they had held in the last general election. This loss has amplified concerns that Trudeau can no longer resonate with voters.

For the Good of the Party

Some Liberal MPs said Tuesday that Prime Minister Justin Trudeau cannot continue as party leader and needs to resign for the party’s good.

Liberal MPs like Wayne Long and Ken Hardie are now outspoken critics, claiming that Trudeau’s leadership is a huge liability for the party. Long described the Prime Minister as “living in a false reality,” warning that staying the course could lead the Liberals to electoral disaster.

Ontario MP Francis Drouin, a longstanding defender of Trudeau, has joined the chorus of dissent. He doubted the party’s ability to move forward under Trudeau, saying, “I’ve been a great defender, but I just don’t see how we recover.”

Other MPs, including Alexandra Mendès and Sean Casey, have echoed similar sentiments. Mendès stated she was deeply affected by Freeland’s treatment, while Casey suggested that Trudeau no longer enjoys the confidence of the caucus.

The Liberal caucus appears more divided than ever, with roughly a third of MPs reportedly favouring Trudeau’s immediate resignation. According to Long, between 40 and 50 MPs actively push for his resignation, while around 50 remain loyal to him. The rest are seemingly undecided or staying silent.

Trudeau’s Unwillingness to relinquish power

This lack of unity is becoming a significant issue. MP Chad Collins admitted, “I can say we’re united.” He suggested a secret ballot within the caucus would reveal overwhelming opposition to Trudeau’s continued leadership.

At a Liberal caucus meeting today, Trudeau acknowledged the growing discontent; however, he hasn’t shown any signs of stepping down. He assured MPs he understood their concerns, but many doubted his willingness to relinquish power.

The Liberals are at a crossroads. Liberal MPs worry they could lose the next general election if Trudeau remains in office, with polls showing Trudeau’s public support hovering around 20 percent.
MPs have called for a change before it’s too late, calling Trudeau’s leadership a “drag” on the party’s prospects.

The internal division might deepen if Trudeau doesn’t resign. According to some political analysts, more backbenchers will switch sides against Trudeau, especially if they are left out of the next cabinet move.

One thing is certain: the Liberal Party must decide soon. The longer the ambiguity persists, the more difficult it will be to regain voters’ confidence. For now, Canadians are left wondering whether Trudeau’s tenure as prime minister is ending—or if he will beat the odds once more.

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Justin Trudeau’s Fight for Gender Equity in Canada

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Justin Trudeau's Fight for Gender Equity in Canada

Justin Trudeau made news in 2015 by introducing Canada’s first gender-balanced cabinet, a decision that established the tone for the government’s commitment to gender equity and representation.

Since his election in 2015, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s government has prioritized gender parity. From cabinet makeup to legislative efforts, the government has taken significant steps to reduce disparities and promote inclusion in Canada.

By assuring equal representation in top positions, the Trudeau government sends a strong message: varied perspectives improve governance.

While symbolic steps such as a balanced cabinet are vital, some believe that more than representation alone needs to address underlying issues. The Trudeau government has supported representation through measures to overcome these hurdles, leading us to the following issue.

Gender Equity in Pay

In 2021, Canada passed the Pay Equity Act, which requires federal workplaces to provide equal pay for equal work. This was a significant step towards narrowing the salary disparity between men and women.

The rule applies to firms with ten or more employees in federally regulated industries, promoting openness and fair compensation.

The government also developed the National Strategy to Prevent and Address Gender-Based Violence, prioritizing prevention, social services, and judicial reforms. Shelters, crisis centres, and advocacy groups have received extra funding to ensure survivors can access support.

Affordable childcare is crucial for allowing women to participate in the workforce. The Liberal government implemented a $10-per-day childcare program to alleviate the financial burden on families. This approach benefits parents, particularly mothers, who bear the burden of caring tasks.

One of the Trudeau administration’s most prominent innovations is using a “gender-based analysis plus” (GBA+) methodology for federal budgeting. This guarantees that government spending decisions consider the effects on different genders and other intersecting characteristics such as race, handicap, and income level.

Sexual and reproductive health projects

For example, the 2024 Autumn Economic Statement included continuous spending to protect women’s reproductive health and eliminate disparities in healthcare access. This approach prioritizes equity in resource allocation, recognizing that blanket policies frequently fail to adequately serve marginalized people.

In September 2024, Trudeau announced over $200 million in funding for worldwide sexual and reproductive health projects. These initiatives prioritize education, contraceptive access, and maternity healthcare.

Domestically, the government has boosted funding for abortion services, especially in impoverished areas. These initiatives demonstrate a commitment to empowering women and giving them authority over their healthcare decisions.

Despite these attempts, women in Canada continue to encounter challenges in the workplace. The gender pay gap is severe, particularly among racialized and Indigenous women. Critics believe that while regulations like the Pay Equity Act are a fine place to start, enforcement and oversight must improve.

Some campaigners have argued that the government’s approach to gender equity fails to address the unique issues that non-binary people confront, as well as those who face numerous types of discrimination. For example, racialized women and women with disabilities frequently suffer compounded injustices that broad measures can not fully address.

Advocating for Gender Equity

Efforts to promote gender equality have also encountered opposition. Some accuse the administration of focusing too much on identity politics, claiming that these programs take attention away from more serious issues.

However, supporters argue that equity is essential for a successful society and economy.

The Trudeau government continues to advocate for gender equality on several fronts. There is reason to be optimistic about future policy reforms and increased investments in healthcare and education.

Simultaneously, persistent advocacy will be required to guarantee that progress accomplished thus far does not stall.

Gender fairness isn’t just a moral obligation; it’s also a sound policy. The Trudeau government has worked to make Canada more equitable and inclusive by removing barriers and providing new possibilities.

While problems persist, the foundation has been created for future improvement. The challenge is how to capitalize on this momentum to achieve long-term change. Gender equity is a never-ending goal through policy, representation, or public dialogue.

It’s a difficult but important trip, and everyone’s opinion counts.

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